| CONDUCT
DISORDER
-
- - Epidemiology:
The prevalence of Conduct Disorder (CD) in 9- to
17-year-olds in the community varies from 1 to 4 percent, depending on
how the disorder is defined (Shaffer et al., 1996a). The male to female
ratio has been found to range between 5:1 and 3:1 depending on the age
range studied, but at all ages, it is more common in boys. Children with
an early onset of the disorder, i.e., onset before age 10, are predominantly
male. Peak age of onset is in late childhood and early adolescence, but
onset can range from preschool to late adolescence. Those with early
onset have a worse prognosis and are at higher risk for adult antisocial
personality disorder (DSM-IV, 1994; Rutter & Giller, 1984; Hendren
& Mullen, 1997). CD appears to be more common in cities than in rural
areas (DSM-IV, 1994). It is estimated that at any given time about
1.3- 4 million children and adolescents are afflicted with Conduct Disorder.
-
- - Clinical Features:
Children with Conduct Disorder exhibit behavior
that shows a persistent disregard for the norms and rules of society.
A child with CD will exhibit a repetitive and persistent pattern of behavior
in which the basic rights of others or major age-appropriate societal
norms or rules are violated, as manifested by the presence of three (or
more) of the following criteria in the past 12 months, with at least one
criterion present in the past 6 months: aggression to people and/or animals,
destruction of property, deceitfulness or theft, and serious violations
of rules. In addition, to meet criteria, the disturbance in behavior must
cause clinically significant impairment in social, academic, or occupational
functioning. For individuals 18 years or older, a diagnosis of Conduct
Disorder can be made only if criteria are not met for Antisocial Personality
Disorder. Children diagnosed with CD may have several associated features
including; learning problems, depressed mood, hyperactivity, addiction,
or other dramatic, erratic, or antisocial personality features.
The behavior interferes with performance at school or work, so that individuals
with this disorder rarely perform at the level predicted by their IQ or
age. Their relationships with peers and adults are often poor. They have
higher injury rates and are prone to school expulsion and problems with
the law. Sexually transmitted diseases are common. If removed from their
homes, youth with Conduct Disorder may have difficulty staying in an adoptive
or foster family or group home, and this may further complicate their
development. Rates of depression, suicidal thoughts, suicide attempts,
and completed suicides are all higher in children diagnosed with CD (Shaffer
et al., 1996b). Girls with CD are more prone to running away from home
than other girls and may become involved in prostitution.
-
- - Gender
Differences :
Since most studies result in a higher prevalence
of Conduct Disorder among boys than in girls, alternate models for girls’
antisocial behavior have been proposed. For example, some researchers
have suggested that girls are more likely to express their aggression
in relational terms than in physical terms, or harming others through
purposeful manipulation or damage to their peer relationships, such as
by spreading rumors (e.g., Crick & Grotpeter, 1995). On the
other hand, there is little to suggest that relational and physical aggression
are substitutive: both girls and boys high in one form are also likely
to be high in the other (Tiet,Wasserman, Loeber, McReynolds, & Miller,
2001). The developmental course of boys’ and
girls’ antisocial behavior also appears to differ,
with girls particularly less likely to show such behavior in their early
years (Moffit et al., 2001). Girls with Conduct Disorder features
may have particularly adverse outcomes (e.g., Zoccolillo & Rogers,
1991) or may have more accompanying impairment (Tiet et al., 2001).
This finding has led to the awareness of a “gender
paradox†within this disorder (Eme, 1992). Gender paradox
is the notion that the gender with the lower prevalence of a disorder
is actually at a higher risk of poor outcomes. The consequences
of girls’ CD should not be underestimated, as the possibility
for adverse impact on their offspring is increased, perhaps by means of
correlated disturbances in parenting (Ehrensaft et al., 2002).
-
- - Juvenile
Delinquency :
While often used interchangeably, the terms “Conduct
Disorder†and “Juvenile Delinquencyâ€
are not the same, though there is considerable overlap. Conduct
Disorder is a diagnostic term, and Juvenile Delinquency a legal term, and
not all youth who are delinquent have CD (nor is the reverse true).
Some youth who do not meet the criteria for CD may be incarcerated for
such violations as marketing controlled substances or failing to meet
the conditions of their parole. These individuals are classified as juvenile
delinquents but would not necessarily receive a diagnosis of CD. Youth
who have committed isolated but serious acts of misconduct could be deemed
delinquent without receiving a diagnosis of Conduct Disorder. Finally,
secure placement limits opportunities for current misbehavior (Wasserman
et al., 2002) so that incarcerated youth may not be able to engage in
misconduct during the term of their incarceration.
Recent
investigations consistently demonstrate high rates of psychiatric disorder
for youth in juvenile justice settings, including probation intake
(Wasserman & McReynolds, 2006) (Wasserman, McReynolds, Ko, Katz, &
Carpenter, 2005; Wasserman et al., 2005), detention (Teplin, Abram,
McClelland, & Dulcan, 2002) and post-adjudicatory incarceration
(Wasserman, McReynolds, Fisher, & Lucas, 2002; Wasserman, McReynolds,
Lucas, Fisher, & Santos, 2002). While high rates of externalizing and
substance use disorder are expectable injustice samples, research
consistently notes elevated rates of anxiety and mood disorder as well
(Wasserman et al., 2002). Again expectably, given the increases in rates
of disorder, justice system youths report elevated rates of comorbidity
(Abram, Teplin, Me Clelland, & Dulcan, 2003)), suicide risk (Wasserman et
al., 2002), and PTSD (Abram et al., 2004).
Reference
List
Abram, K. M.,
Teplin, L. A., Dulcan, M. K., Charles, D. R., Longworth, S. L., &
McClelland, G. M. (2004). Posttraumatic stress disorder and trauma in youth
in juvenile detention. Archives of General Psychiatry. 61.403-410.
Abram, K. M.,
Teplin, L. A., Me Clelland, G. M., & Dulcan, M. K. (2003). Comorbid
psychiatric disorders in youth detention. Archives of General Psychiatry.
60. 1097-1108.
Teplin, L.
A., Abram, K. M., McClelland, G. M., & Dulcan, M. K. (2002). Psychiatric
disorders in youth in juvenile detention. Archives of General Psychiatry.
59. 1133-1143.
Wasserman, G. A., McReynolds, L., Lucas, C, Fisher, P. W., & Santos, L.
(2002). The Voice DISC-IV with incarcerated male youth: Prevalence of
disorder. Journal of the American
Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry. 41. 314-321.
Wasserman, G.
A. & McReynolds, L. S. (2006). Suicide risk at juvenile probation intake.
Suicide and Life Threatening Behavior. 36.239-249.
Wasserman, G. A., McReynolds, L. S., Fisher, P. W., & Lucas, C. P. (2002).
Psychiatric disorders in incarcerated youths. Journal of the American
Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry. 42.1011.
Wasserman, G.
A., McReynolds, L. S., Ko, S. J., Katz, L. M., & Carpenter, J. (2005).
Gender differences in psychiatric disorders at juvenile probation intake.
American Journal of Public Health. 95.131-137.
-
- - Possible
Causes:
The etiology of Conduct Disorder is not fully known.
Studies of twins and adopted children suggest that CD has both biological
(including genetic) and psychosocial components (Hendren & Mullen,
1997).Social environmental risk factors for CD include early maternal
rejection, separation from parents with no adequate alternative caregiver
available, early institutionalization, family neglect, abuse or violence,
parents’ psychiatric illness, marital discord, large
family size, crowding, and poverty (Loeber & Stouthamer-Loeber, 1986).
These factors are thought to lead to a lack of attachment to the parents
or to the family unit and eventually to lack of regard for the rules and
rewards of society (Sampson & Laub, 1993). Physical risk factors for
CD include neurological damage caused by birth complications or low birthweight,
attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder, fearlessness and stimulation-seeking
behavior, learning impairments, autonomic underarousal, and insensitivity
to physical pain and punishment. A child with both social deprivation
and any of these neurological conditions is most susceptible to CD (Raine
et al., 1998).
The risk factors for juvenile delinquency are similar to those for substance
abuse, school dropout, teenage pregnancy, and juvenile violence.
These factors span across community, family, school, and individual/ peer
relationships and include: the availability of firearms; community laws
and norms that are favorable towards drug use, firearms, and crime; transitions
and mobility in community; low neighborhood attachment and community organization;
extreme economic deprivation; family history of problem behavior and family
management problems; family conflict; favorable parental and peer attitudes
and involvement in the problem behavior; early and persistent antisocial
behavior; academic failure beginning in elementary school; lack of commitment
to school; rebelliousness; early initiation of problem behavior; and constitutional
factors (Catalano & Hawkins, 1995). Wasserman and Seracini (2001)
examined parental deficits that interfere with proactive parenting and
the co-occurrence of early child difficulties to be particularly important
in the development of early-onset child behavioral problems. Family and
other social-environmental factors contribute towards a child’s
risk for early-onset antisocial and behavioral behaviors. These
family risk factors include: family criminality, social adversity, family
violence, parental psychopathology, incompetent parenting, and physical
abuse (Wasserman & Seracini, 2001).
Moffitt et al. (2001) determined that the age of onset for antisocial
behavior may be associated with the pattern of symptoms and course of
CD. Moffitt and her colleagues (2001) have characterized two subtypes
of antisocial behavior: life-course persistent and adolescence-limited.
Childhood- onset delinquent youth are more likely to be characterized
by abnormal levels of biological and environmental risk factors (i.e.,
hyperactivity, low IQ, and family adversity, among others), whereas adolescent-onset
delinquent youth were not. Life-course persistent antisocial behavior
begins early in life when a high-risk social environment exacerbates difficult
behavior of high-risk youth. Infant neuro-cognitive indicators (i.e.,
birth complications, low birth weight) have been found to relate to risk
for life-course persistent delinquency, especially when combined with
negative environmental factors such as poor parenting and social adversity
(Arseneault et al., 2000b). This relationship can be used to predict
chronic aggression from childhood to adolescence (Arseneault et al., forthcoming)
and violent crime (Raine, Brennen, & Mednick, 1994; Raine et al.,
1996), sometimes persisting into midlife. Adolescence-limited antisocial
behavior emerges along with puberty, when otherwise normally developing
individuals experience a maturity gap with discrepancies between biological
maturation and access to mature privileges and responsibilities, and when
aspects ofpeer culture may contribute to misbehavior. Adolescence-limited
individuals are more common; their symptoms are relatively temporary,
whereas the fewer individuals with life-course persistent course show
more persistent and pathological symptoms (Moffitt et al., 2001).
-
- - Early
Intervention:
Since many risk factors for Conduct Disorder emerge
in the first years of life, intervention must begin very early. Recently,
screening instruments have been developed to enable earlier identification
of risk factors and signs of CD in young children (Feil et al., 1995).
Studies have shown a correlation between the behavior and attributes of
3 year-olds and the aggressive behavior of these children at ages 11 to
13 (Raine et al., 1998). Measurements of aggressive behaviors have been
shown to be stable over time (Sampson & Laub, 1993).
-
- - Treatment and
Prevention:
Treatments for Conduct Disorder have focused on
psychosocial interventions and parent training and in some cases the use
of medication. They typically focus on helping young people understand
the effect their behavior has on others and developing skills for behavioral
change. Treatment is rarely brief since establishing new attitudes and
behavior patterns takes time. However, early intervention that targets
risks in multiple areas offers a child a better opportunity for reducing
and eliminating symptoms.
Several effective psychosocial treatments have been identified for CD
(Hanf, 1969; Henggeler, 1982; Henggeler et al., 1986; Kazdin et al., 1987;
Kendall and Braswell, 1985; Patterson, 1982; Webster-Stratton, 1984).
Among the available psychosocial interventions, parent management training
(PMT) (Patterson, 1982) has been demonstrated to be especially promising.
PMT has focused on altering coercive parent-child interactions that foster
aggressive child behavior in the home and that distinguish families with
antisocial children. Another promising treatment is cognitive behavioral
problem-solving skills training (PSST ) (Kendall and Braswell, 1985),
which focuses on the cognitive processes and deficits that are considered
to mediate maladaptive interpersonal behaviors. Kazdin (1987) combined
these two treatments by providing PMT for parents and PSST for children.
This combined treatment has resulted in significantly fewer aggressive
and externalizing behaviors at home, at school, and greater overall adjustment
in children than a contact-control group in which parents did not receive
PMT but rather received contact meetings in which the child’s
treatment was discussed. These positive changes were sustained for
up to one year following the treatment.
Another effective psychosocial treatment is Videotape Modeling Parent
Training (Webster-Stratton, 1984), which includes a videotape series of
parent-training lessons and is based on the principles of parent training
originally described by Hanf (1969). This treatment is administered to
parents in groups with therapist-led discussions of the videotape lesson.
Results show that after treatment, parents rate their children as having
fewer problems and rate themselves as having a better attitude towards
their children and greater self-confidence regarding their parenting role.
Observation of the children and parents showed results similar to the
parent’s viewpoint.
Henggeler et al. (1986) developed multisystemic therapy (MST) , which
utilizes therapeutic interventions that are based on a family-ecological
systems approach to delinquency and adolescent psychopathology (Henggeler,
1982). This treatment simultaneously considers the multiple systems of
which an adolescent is a part (i.e., family, peers, and extrafamilial
systems) (Henggeler et al., 1986). The findings indicated that the use
of a family-ecological treatment decreased conduct problems, anxious-withdrawn
behaviors, immaturity, and association with delinquent peers significantly.
Family-ecological treatment differs from traditional family therapy approaches
through the emphasis placed on the utilization of theory and research
findings within the field of developmental psychology and child-clinical
psychology (Henggeler, 1982). The primary goal of family-ecological
treatment is the reduction of an adolescent’s behavioral
problems, but additional benefits occur. For example, mother-adolescent
and marital relations in families are evidenced to be warmer and the adolescent
typically becomes more involved in family interactions.
No medications have been demonstrated to be consistently effective in
treating CD, although four drugs have been tested (Campbell et al., 1995;
Kafantaris et al., 1992; Kemph et al., 1993; Klein, 1991; Klein et al.,
1997b, Rifkin et al., 1989). Lithium and methylphenidate have been found
(one double-blind placebo trial each) to reduce aggressiveness effectively
in children with CD (Campbell et al., 1995; Klein et al., 1997b), but
in two subsequent studies with the same design, the positive findings
for lithium could not be replicated (Rifkin et al., 1989; Klein, 1991).
In one of the latter studies, methylphenidate was superior to lithium
and placebo. A third drug, carbamazepine, was found in a pilot study to
be effective, but multiple side effects were also reported (Kafantaris
et al., 1992). The fourth drug, clonidine, was explored in an open trial,
in which 15 of 17 patients showed a significant decrease in aggressive
behavior, but there were also significant side effects that would require
monitoring of cardiovascular and blood pressure parameters (Kemph et al.,
1993).
The Blueprints for Violence Prevention Initiative (http://ncjrs.org/html/ojjdp/jjbul2001_7_3/contents.html)
is a comprehensive effort to provide communities with a set of programs
whose effectiveness has been scientifically demonstrated. With the Office
of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention’s (OJJDP’s)
support, the Initiative also provides the information necessary for communities
to begin replicating programs locally. The Initiative identified 11 prevention
and intervention programs that meet a strict scientific standard of program
effectiveness and have beenproven to be effective in reducing adolescent
violent crime, aggression, delinquency, and substance abuse and predelinquent
childhood aggression and conduct disorders. By outlining high standards
of program effectiveness, reviewing outcome evaluation results for numerous
programs, and identifying successful programs, the Blueprints Initiative
has helped answer some of the questions about what does and does not work
in violence prevention (OJJDP Blueprints for Violence Prevention, 2001).
In a recent review of prevention efforts in this arena, Wasserman and
Miller (1998) conclude that identifying developmental precursors is key
to in the prevention of violent behaviors. Successful interventions
and prevention programs are those that are able to attend to correlated
risks in the family, community, peer, and individual domains. Such
multi-modal programs have been found successful at various developmental
levels (Wasserman & Miller, 1998).
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